Wednesday, March 10, 2010

TWO GOLIATH OSTRACA?



2021
This is an early attempt to interpret the Gath sherd and the Qeiyafa ustracon. For an update go straight to the end of the essay.

 Having already made a survey of the text on the ostracon from Khirbet Qeiyafa (or  Sha`arayim, "Two Gates", and the object was discovered in a room attached to a gate, a gatehouse), I want to look again at the characters on that shard, in the light of what others have claimed to see there, and after further scrutiny of the various photographs and drawings now available here and there (pdf). The interpretation I will present here differs from those proposed in my earlier account: I am now  contemplating the possibility (mentioned in passing there) that GL[ ] at the beginning of line 3 is the name Goliath.

At the same time, I would like to examine the Gath ostracon, which has been touted as "the Goliath inscription".
I will raise the possibility of the presence of S (Samek) in the text. S (Samek) can be a fish or a spine [ -|-|-| ], and the Izbet Sartah abagadary seems to have the fish. The oval character on Qeiyafa line 3 might be a fish (S); and it looks as if there is another S further to the right. The Gath inscription possibly has a fish lurking unnoticed in the second half of its line of writing.
With regard to Samek, here is a significant principle I have noticed: when  the national scripts arose in the Levant in the ninth century BCE (Phoenician, Aramaic, Hebrew, Moabite), the telegraph-pole Samek (the Egyptian djed column, now recognized as a spine, the backbone that gives a person stability, the ability to stand up straight, hence West Semitic samk, 'support') became the standard Samek, and the fish (cp Arabic samak, 'fish') disappeared. Previously the spinal sign had been known on the Lakish dagger (as S), and in the West Semitic syllabary (as SA), but the fish had been ubiquitous (Canaan, Sinai, Egypt), and it represented S, not D (as commonly supposed, invoking dag, 'fish'). The Samek on the  Beth-Shemesh ostracon occurs in SB' ("carousing", followed by BT YN, "in the winehouse"). However, the Gezer calendar and the Tel Zayit abagadary have the column with three crossbars for Samek.

Fishes (with fins and tails) are readily recognizable in the Bronze Age texts, but they are wrongly assigned to the D section on the tables of Benjamin Sass (1988) and Gordon Hamilton (2006); consequently these scholars (as also their teachers and their followers) can not give an instance of S in the Bronze Age: they will not even admit the Djed Samek on the Lakish dagger, because it has only two crossbars, though this is a possible form in the Byblos syllabic texts (as SA).

The door-signs (Dalet, D) are shifted to the Het box, and the real instances of Het (Hh, H.) are left dangling or placed in the house-category B (they are houses, but they have an additional courtyard, h.asir, hence H.).

They also choose the Sadey character (a tied bag, s.rr) as Q, overlooking the true Qaw (cord on a stick), and they seize on one particular form of K to serve as Ss (presumed to be something in the flora category).

They claim (preposterously) that there is only one Proto-Canaanite attestation of Sh (what I understand as a triangular D, in Sinai 357; eventually the triangle Dalet will become Delta); they mistakenly catalog the numerous Sh-signs as Th (the true Th, from Thad 'breast', occurs in the word ThLThT 'three' in Sinai 375); it will in time become the letter Shin, also encompassing Th.

They take all the bomerangs or throw-sticks (which properly represent G) and call them P, failing to recognize the cases where a mouth-sign stands for P

[This is my website so I can speak freely here: Sass and Hamilton are the ones who are always cited for reference, but in my opinion the S/D, Hh/D/B, /Ss/Q/K, G/P, Sh/Th confusion nullifies their system (which is largely borrowed from W.F. Albright); and neither has offered a "linguistic decipherment" (Hamilton), with readings of the texts, as is found on the Cryptcracker and Collesseum sites, and in my series of studies in Abr-Nahrain, 1988-1998.]

Other scholars do not notice fish-signs in Paleo-Canaanite texts, because they are observing them from an Iron Age perspective, whereas I am approaching them from a Bronze Age point of view, based on Proto-Canaanite texts. I would apply the term Proto-Canaanite to the West Semitic logo-consonantary (the proto-alphabet) as evidenced in inscriptions from the Bronze Age (before the 12th century BCE), and Paleo-Canaanite ('Old Canaanite') to texts in the stylized and simplified form of the script, which has the number of signs reduced to twenty-two, in the first period of the Iron Age (extending into the 10th century).

The Izbet Sartah, Beth-Shemesh, Gath, and Sha`arayim ostraca are Paleo-Canaanite (exhibiting 22 letters); the Qubur el-Walaydah bowl apparently has the signs for Sh and Th, and stands on the dividing line between Proto-Canaanite and Paleo-Canaanite.

For a survey of the range of signs employed over the centuries, a copy of my table could be useful.

In my previous study of the Qeiyafa text I catalogued the possible letters represented. Here I want to emphasize that the process of decipherment is expected to include a table of frequency of the letters in a typical text in the language under examination.

Here, then, is my list of the 22 letters in order of frequency based on Ugaritic texts and Sinai inscriptions, though not Biblical Hebrew (in which T is less frequent, and W is more prevalent):

L T B M R ' N K ` Y Sh/Th H D Hh/Kh P Ss W Q S G Tt Z/Dh

REVIEWING THE GATH OSTRACON

Having looked at the Qeiyafa letters closely for a long time, I have some ideas about what is on the similar Gath ostracon, and I have caught a fish (S), with two hooks (W) in its mouth (P), by hand (Y), and also an ox ('A) with a boomerang (G) and two crosses (T). The official reading of the text (BASOR 351, 54a) has seven letters, but I count ten (excluding a few marginal marks).

Instead of  'A L W T | W L T
let us try  'A Y G L W T | W S P T


Gordon Hamilton has released a preliminary account (p. 11-13) of his new study of the Gath ostracon:

 http://bibleinterp.com/PDFs/SealOfASeer.pdf

He allows the existence of a supralinear G (which I would also like to accept), and so he reads 'LWT as 'LGWT; but, while muttering  (n. 23) about "the sensationalistic connection" made with 'LWT and the biblical name golyat, 'Goliath', he does not see that the G could give us GLWT, a possible Philistine form of GoLYaT, and that is what I propose to do with it (that is, be sensationalistic).

Sequencing along such lines of letters yields all sorts of weird words and wondrous wisdom. Reading from right to left we see 'A, of the type found at the start of Qeiyafa lines 4 and 5 (refer to the drawing below), where the ox-head is inverted, like Alpha, though the original form is used at the end of line 1 and in the middle of line 2, and the reclining head appears as the first character in the text; remember, this scribe does not practise consistency but prefers variety. However, in the Gath text, if the incised line extending as far as the L is merely a "slip of the pen" (50b), and if we removed the crossbar of the 'A, then we would have a G (/\), and GLWT would do nicely for Goliath. On the other hand, if we accept the existence of the 'A, and consider the stroke as significant, combining it with the two parallel vertical marks pointing downwards at the right end and the oblique mark at the left end, then we have a typical Y (yad, arm with hand and elbow), similar to the Qeiyafa examples (in lines 4 and 5). We are told that T (+) is not possible here (50b), so 'AT "you" is out of the question; but 'AY could be "Where?" or "Woe" (as in Oy veh). If for some technical reason I am not permitted to have this Y (which stands out so clearly on red and black photographs alike), I will still be arguing for the text opening with the interjection "Woe!".

A possible letter G for Goliath is sitting above the L; it is a more obtuse angle than the 'A, and a believable boomerang (to be compared with the the G in the top left corner on side 1 of the Beth-Shemesh ostracon, and a whole armoury of them can be seen on the table). The head is thus separated from the body ... as happened to the giant in the story: young David severed Goliath's head from his corpse (1 Samuel 17:51). I am prompted to make such a silly suggestion because half a century ago, one of my Latin lecturers at Sydney University loved rehearsing such a line contained in some Latin poem (I would be grateful if any reader could remind me what it was). We may be dealing with black magic here: this could be an execration ritual (see further below).

The first Waw is not exactly the same as the second, and in the past, working only from drawings, I have thought that this was Y and the other was W; but having accepted the second sign in the sequence as Y (equivalent to the Sha`arayim Y), and admitting it is  different from the long-stemmed Y of the Izbet Sartah ostracon, which is obscure, but apparently has only ) at the top, not \/, then I acknowledge it to be W, and allow GLWT to be a valid form for GLYT (Goliyat, "Goliath"), perhaps an Anatolian name *Gulwatta. Versions of the name are: Goliath (Greek, Septuagint), Gôlôt (Greek, inscription),  Jâlût (Arabic). However, if we disallowed the first Y, this would still be a possible Y; but if the name has an Anatolian form in this (presumably) Philistine text, the regular change from w to y in Hebrew can be invoked to explain the difference.

The second half of the inscription ( after the separating stroke) could be a verb ending in -t, a possibility envisaged by the editors, and offering "interesting implications for furthering our understanding of the Philistine language" (BASOR 351, 59b). Judging from the interpretation proposed here (which is by no means certain), the language is the West Semitic dialect used by the Philistines, and seems to be the same language as found on other inscriptions from the time, including the Qeiyafa ostracon.

The initial W would be "and"; the verb is not LT but SPT. I arrived at this hypothetical reading from comparing the P in the word ShPTt ("judge") at the start of Qeiyafa line 2.  The P is the remnant of a mouth: () becomes ( . The preceding letter would be the fish I mentioned earlier, apparently with a tail, not "most probably 'a slip of the pen' of the scribe", as the editors say (53a). Actually, it was one of the scholars who first edited this inscription (namely Stefan Wimmer) who taught me (in connection with the Shekem plaque) that what appears to be one letter may, on analysis, turn out to be more than one (two or even three).

SPT could be traced to two verbal roots: SWP 'end, perish'; SPH 'be taken away, perish'. The final -t marks it as 3rd person singular Qal perfect: "You are finished".

"Woe ('y), GLWT.  And (w) you have perished (spt)."
As mentioned above, these words might be an execration, used in a ritual in which the bowl was first inscribed, and then smashed. The incomplete letters to the right of the text could suggest that the bowl was inscribed before it was broken, not simply the shard; and the incomplete characters could be part of the original inscription (indeed, Hamilton suggests they are the end of this same inscription). The past or perfect tense could be 'proleptic', anticipating his death through black magic.

However, given that the document was found in Gath, the city of Goliath (if that is who this GLWT really is), then this should not be 'sympathetic magic' but pure sympathy for the departed.

This is a rather terse elegy, but Gordon Hamilton (p. 12) has made the attractive suggestion that the text continued right around the bowl, when it was intact, and the marks to the right of the 'Aleph are the end of the inscription, thus making it much longer.

If we are to be scientific about this, I need to be the first one to try to falsify my hypothesis. Aren Maeir has responded to Gordon Hamilton's proposed G, affirming that it is not part of the inscription, because it was not deliberately inscribed; it is accidental not intentional.  This would spell doom for the Y also, I presume. So we need to clean up the shard and remove all the intrusive material, which shows up so clearly on a white-on-black photograph the editors published (BASOR 2008, p. 49, fig. 8), and offered such interesting possibilities. But the universe is full of coincidences, as I always say.


And what about the fishy S? If we go to Stefan Wimmer's site:
www.stefan-jakob-wimmer.de/Philisterprojekt.html
we can see three helpful photographs, including this inverted one:
http://www.stefan-jakob-wimmer.de/img_4302.jpg

These photographs seem to show that the editors chose wisely in deciding that there are two examples of L in the text, and thus all four of the additional letters I proposed (G Y S P) are unlikely to be intended by the writer.

Hence we should read (from right to left)  'A L W T / W L T [ ... ?]
The final T (+) has a very short left arm, which could mean either that the scribe had not left enough space for it, or else it was originally complete when written on the vessel, but that part is now on some other remnant of the bowl, possibly with a longer line of text. 

One recourse for saving Goliath is to remove the crossbar of the A-sign (and the line it continues along, possibly continuing right through the L) and produce G L W T (which I suggested in November 2005).

September 2014
http://gath.files.wordpress.com/2010/03/picture-of-safi-sherd-with-non-g-marked.pdf
However, that looks like a solid Aleph, an Alpha, even. The extension of its crossbar is puzzling: such protrusions on 'alep should be on both sides.  This photograph shows that the supposed G and similar extraneous marks are coloured (pink-orange), but the true letters are colourless. Now, the two strokes hanging down from the extension-line of the Aleph (which seem to form a Yod)  differ from each other in this regard; the one on the right is coloured and the one on the left is of the same hue (silver-white) as the inscribed letters, and it forms a  right-angle G! We are now looking at a sequence ` G L W T, possibly "Where is Goliath?" or "Alas, Goliath!"

But it is not clear from the photograph whether this vertical mark is incised or merely accidental.

It would appear that the phantom of Goliath has been playing ghostly games to get our attention (Look, this is about me, so I have put another G in, so you can find me more easily); but he was a great celebrity, and it would be reasonable to expect that somebody in his hometown Gath wrote his name down somewhere; it seems that we have not found such a document yet, and we are still in the dark when we try to interpret this one.

REVISITING THE QEIYAFA OSTRACON

 This new drawing of the ostracon from Sha`arayim (Khirbet Qeiyafa) differs in a few details from my earlier attempt at delineating the characters of its text of five lines (reproduced below).



The differences are based on closer scrutiny of  the available photographs, and comparing the drawings of  Haggai Misgav, `Ada Yardeni, and Gershon Galil; but none of us has achieved a complete and perfect reading yet.

It is generally agreed that each line of the text runs from left to right (the opposite of the order established later in Hebrew, Aramaic, and Arabic).

Note my transcription system: ' or 'A ('aleph) ` or `O (`ayin "eye") Hh (H.et) Tt (T.et) Ss (Tsadey) Sh (Shin).

(1a)  '  L T ` N [Q] [ ]
The important point in this is the replacement of Sh by N; I think it is equivalent to the N in line 4, not presuming an extra piece at the top, to make it a pair of breasts (Sh/Th), but accepting it as a snake (N); this would destroy the widely publicized ' L  T ` Sh ("Do not do"), and the concomitant claim that the use of this root (`ayin Sin He) proves that the language is Hebrew; nor does it allow the tempting reconstruction T ` Sh Q, hence "Do not oppress", which fitted well with the idea of judgement in the next line. The N opens the way for 'LT as Elat "Goddess", and `N as from the root `anah "answer"; this would make it a plea for an oracle: "Goddess answer!". However, other possibilities are present. The 'curse' word (Hebrew 'alah) should be tried.  The root `NQ has to do with neck and necklace; and the presence of the giant Anakim (`nqym) is looming; and there could be a Mem between [Q] and W, hence `NQM. Only one N appearing in a West Semitic text is anomalous, as N sits in the first half of the table of order of frequency (see above); so the acceptance of this N brings the total to 2.

(1b) W `O B D 'A [L] [ ]
The root `abad is certainly in evidence, either as a verb "serve" or noun "servant", followed by 'A[L] (El, God) it could produce "Serve God" or "the servant of God", preceded by "and" (W).  I would find the same sequence in line 2a; and in line 5, I propose `OBDY "my servant".

(2) Sh P Tt [`O B [D 'A L M [T] [Sh P Tt
The root Sh P Tt "judge" was recognized at the beginning of this line when the ostracon was discovered; the second occurrence, at the end, was noticed by Yardeni and Galil. In each case the Tt is a cross in a circle, but each P has a different stance; and the second Sh has the \/\/ shape, whereas the first has the form like 3, which will eventually become Sigma. These are the only instances of Shin in the text, if N is accepted in line 1a; but its frequency is normally less than N (8th), with Sh in the middle of the scale (12th).

`O (circle with central dot) was resurrected by Gershon Galil; the D is my own reconstruction, from the W that others have seen; but Galil squeezes a small D into the space, using the left side of my D.
I have inserted T between M and Sh, allowing TShPTt 'thou shalt judge', but other possibilities remain. The MT has the scent of death about it, perhaps 'a dead man', or the noun meaning 'man' or 'warrior'.

It seems reasonable to accept with Galil that line 2 continues vertically into a space at the end of line 1, and the scribe has indeed made such a gap, by closing off the end of the writing in line 1. Earlier, based on Misgav's drawing, I proposed ZH, but I will now try TY, or YT (so Galil, YT[M] 'orphan'), with a possible G also in the picture (observable through wishful thinking) and producing GTY. I have said before that this YT could complement the GL (at the start of line 3) and produce Goliyat (again with his head separated from his body, lest they be united again and he rise up from the dead).

(3) [?] G L [  ] B ` L S [R S [. . . .]
 There may be a letter before G (Galil has a small W). The GL[. .] begs us to add [YT] (GLYT, as in the Hebrew Bible) or [WT] (GLWT, as on the Gath shard). (Notice that there may be a reason why the signs in the previous line (2) and the following line (4) have faded.) B`OL is 'Lord', perhaps the title of a deity (Ba`al, Hadad) or of a high-ranking human. This is where the fish apparently makes its appearance, in a pair, separated by a faded character consisting of a dot and a vertical stroke; following Galil, I would choose R (rosh 'head), with a triangular head, rather than Q, with a rounded top. This could be the sought-after srn, 'tyrant', the title of Philistine rulers; but SRS could be srys, a borrowing from Akkadian (meaning the one at the head [of the king]), found in Hebrew and Aramaic; it can mean 'eunuch', or 'high official'; David had some of these (1 Chronicles 28:1); the prophet Samuel warned Israel that if they accepted a king his srysym would receive their tithes (1 Samuel 8:15); in the Joseph story we meet "Potiphar, srys of Pharaoh, captain of the guard, an Egyptian" (Genesis 39:1). These are the four letters I would like to place in the gap at the end: P L Sh T ('Philistia); or even P L Sh T M ('Philistines'). There is yet another possibility instead of SRS, but it is so startling and controversial that I will save it till the end. But I will reiterate here that the missing YT for GLYT could be found in the far right corner (if we reject my hypothetical G (making gty 'Gittite'). I will also comment on this at the close of this essay.

(4) 'A [Q] M W N Q/R M Y Hh D M L K
This time I will retain MLK as 'king' (or 'kingship', less likely), and not have DM LK as 'blood for you'. 'A[Q]M is again "I will arise"' W is 'and''; NQM is generally accepted as the 'avenge' root, but the sign could be R (RM root 'be high'); YHhD could be 'the community' or 'together'. The Hh is not sure; it might be an unusual B, but Misgav considers Hh to be possible; it seems to revert to the original form, of a house with a courtyard.

(5) 'A R/Q M `O B D Y [Ss [D Q T
The last word is (I still maintain, without certainty) SsDQT 'justice' or 'righteousness', here apparetly used adverbially; the Ss is not clear; the D looks like a G, but Misgav's drawing accepts it as D; the Q has a round head (rightly); the T is not in doubt; whether the dots after it are significant remnants of signs is dubious. Ss and Q are at the far end of the frequency table, and R is among the most frequently occurring, so 5 instances of Q and only one R would be a suspect situation; therefore preference should be given to `ARM in this line and perhaps to NRM in the preceding line. Incidentally, I have set aside the possibility of two small letters (MM, MSh, ShSh) above the D of `BDY 'my servant', as shown on Misgav's drawing; but they may exist.

As a prelude to my interpretation of the text according to the Goliath motif, I offer these extracts from the Bible.
"Joshua wiped out the Anakim .... No Anakim (`nqym) were left in the land of the children of Israel; they survived only in Gaza, Gath, and Ashdod" (Joshua 11:21-22).
"The champion, the Philistine from Gath, Golyath by name, came up out of the ranks of the Philistines, and spoke ... "(1 Samuel 17:23).
"The Philistine cursed (qll) David by his gods" (1 Samuel 17:43).
"David said to the Philistine: ... I come to you in the name of YHWH of Hosts" (1 Samuel 17:45).
Through his servants Saul said to David: "The king (mlk) desires no marriage gift but a hundred foreskins of Philistines, so that he may be avenged (nqm) of the king's enemies" (1 Samuel 18:25).
"YHWH has said to David: By the hand of my servant (`bdy) David I will save my people Israel from the hand of the Philistines and all their enemies" (2 Samuel 3:18).
He lifts (mqym) the weak (dl) from the dust, he raises (yrym) the poor ('bywn) from the ash heap, to let them sit with nobles, and inherit a seat of honour" (1 Samuel 2:8, Hannah).

(1) The cursing ('lt) of the Anak (`nq) and the servant of God (`bd 'l):
(2) The servant of God (`bd 'l) has judged (sh-p-tt) a warrior (mt); he has judged (sh-p-tt) the Gittite (gty?) (3) Lord (b`l ) Goliyath (GL[..]), the general (srs) [of Philistia?] ([PLShT]) .
(4) I will arise ('qm) and (w) together (y-hh-d) we will avenge (nqm) (or: exalt, nrm) the king (mlk).
(5) I will exalt ('rm) my servant (`bdy) justly (ss-d-q-t).

Synopsis: the writer is apparently a prophet speaking in the name of God (a nabi', a religious role that was practised at that time, 1 Samuel 3:20, 10:10); an oracle announces the defeat ('judgement') of one of the giant Anakim (from Gath?), namely Lord Goliyath, at the hands of the servant of God (and this could be David, 2 S 3:18). God says he will rise up, and together with his assistant he will avenge the king (presumably Saul) of his enemies; God will also exalt his agent justly. 

I don't think too much sleight of hand was needed to achieve this result. It certainly belongs in the category "sensational" ("causing or intending to cause great public excitement"), and when the dust settles and the shouting is silenced we might be left with a contemporary account of the proverbial, legendary, and indeed factual encounter between David the shepherd-boy from Bethlehem and Goliath the giant from Gath.

The document (in an Israelian dialect of Canaanian language) exults in the victory.
(1) The cursing of the Anak and the servant of God:
(2) The servant of God has judged a warrior; he has judged the Gittite (?)
(3) Lord Goliyat, the general ...].
(4) I will arise and  together we will avenge (or: exalt) the king.
(5) I will exalt my servant justly.

Of course, this may be a case (two cases already) of mistaken identity; and Goliath, we are told, had a brother, among the giants in Gath (1 Chronicles 20:5).

We can suspect that the YT of GLYT is placed well away from the GL of line 3, in the space in the far corner, between the ends of lines 1 and 2, with an 'apotropaic' purpose, lest all the king's men try to put him together again. (As I said earlier, I was given an analogy for this when I was a student of Latin at Sydney University, but I can not remember which poet it was.)

September 2014
One is allowed to change one's mind, and I can now see that my presumed YT (top right corner) is actually YH (Yahu, YHWH); the YT for GLYT is found immediately after the GL, with the T written above the Y.


MY 2014 DRAWING


Note GLYT and DWD in line 3, and YH at the end of line 2

Finally (this is one of those surprise endings coming up, a twist in the tail): since this Israelite scribe did not supply a copy of all the letters of his alphabet (as on the Izbet Sartah shard), we cannot be certain that this writer would not have used the spinal-column for Samek, if this rather rare letter was required (note the late position of S on the spectrum of frequency provided earlier), then maybe we could dispense with the two fishes in line 3 (SRS) and read them as D, and the reconstructed R could simply be W (Y-shaped), and thus we would have DWD (David). Somebody is going to make this connection eventually, so I may as well sneak in first. The real fish, with dorsal fin, is actually lurking underneath DWD, in line 4, in the sequence YSD (foundation).

An inscription from the time of King Saul mentioning Goliath and David side by side? Fantastic, I say, and you can take that word in whichever direction you wish.

Remember: to achieve this result a mass/mess of largely illegible writing had to be probed with an unseemly amount of guesswork; never believe what you read in blogs.

July 2021
I have left this essay on the WWWeb to record my constant wrestling with these two documents.

The Gath sherd remains intractable.
The photograph clearly but deceptively offers us:
'Y GLWT / WLT (with a tempting serpent, N)


but the official drawing of the legitimate letters leaves us with:
'LWT / WLT (and a lone snake, N)
To find Golyat in this we could read the 'Alep as G, and achieve GLWT; or import to the WLT the analogy of Germanic W > Gallic G (as in Wilhelm > Guillaume)

With regard to the Qeiyafa ostracon, Golyat and David definitely appear in line 3 as GULUTU and DAWIDI. There is only one fish-syllabogram (SU), in line 4 (YISUDU foundation).

The next stages of my investigation can be viewed here:
https://sites.google.com/site/collesseum/qeiyafa-ostracon-2 

The idea that the different forms and stances of letters are significant, indicating syllables:
http://cryptcracker.blogspot.co.nz/2014/04/early-hebrew-syllabary.html

Another earlier look at the Goliath inscriptions, for the record:
http://bonzoz.blogspot.co.nz/2012/02/goliath.html

QEIYAFA OSTRACON INSCRIPTION


 This essay summarizes attempts by myself and others to extract the intended meaning from this important (momentous already!) inscription. The drawing is untrustworthy, and detailed photographs need to be examined.
My advanced work in progress is recorded here:
https://sites.google.com/view/collesseum/qeiyafa-ostracon-2
https://sites.google.com/view/collesseum/qeiyafa-shaaraim
 

This large potsherd was found on the floor of a room at Khirbet Qeiyafa, overlooking the road to Philistia and the Elah Valley, SW of Jerusalem, and is now in the Israel Museum. Aren Maeir made an explosive announcement  about the find on the 11th of September 2008 ["9/11"], and I rushed in like a fool and proposed Socoh (Joshua 15:35; 1 Samuel 17:1) as the identity of this fortified town, because it would have been a good observation point when the Philistines gathered in the valley between Socoh (belonging to Judah) and Azekah. Gershon Galil has argued for Neta'im. Nadav Na`aman has chosen Gob. However, it seems to have been securely identified by Yosef Garfinkel as Sha`arayim [pdf] (Joshua 15:36; 1 Samuel 17:52), the site of the confrontation of David and Goliath, and the point from which the Israelites chased the Philistines back to Gath and Ekron. The name Sha`arayim means 'two gates', and this distinguishing feature has been found in the ruins.

The ostracon has an inscription of five lines, written with ink, which has faded almost to illegibility, but spectral imaging techniques [also as pdf] (as used on the Dead Sea Scrolls) have brought most of the letters back to life, though identifying each one is still not easy.

Photographs and drawings have been posted here, and Bearman and Christens-Barry include several in their study of spectral imaging.
Haggai Misgav is the official epigrapher; he presented his drawings and readings at a meeting, and the proceedings have been published in Hebrew (October 2009); I have obtained a pdf copy, and I am very reliant on the picture and drawing provided by Professor Misgav. Aren Maeir was there and he reported on the progress of the decipherment; with some trepidation he has attempted a fractured translation of the text (it possibly includes a King of Gath named Yasad, but we all practise wishful thinking).

Contributors to the discussion were: `Ada Yardeni (I will follow her perception that Sh P Tt is found at the beginning and end of line 2, but I don't see it as a draft for a monumental inscription); Aaron Demsky (it is a list of social roles); Shmuel Ahituv (does not accept the reading SRN, a title of Philistine rulers, at the beginning of line 5, and I concur).

Line 5 is definitely the bottom line, as shown by the space below it.
(PS. June 2016: there was a sixth line; on the left is a bleached B, and other indications of letters along the missing line.)

Is the uppermost row of signs really the first line of the text, or has other writing been broken off? Notice that the tops of some letters have been lost, and possibly even one or more lines of writing (declaring "Thus says the Lord of Hosts", for example?).

As with the Izbet Sartah ostracon, I would plump for a coherent statement, not a collection of words or letters as merely a student's exercise (Aaron Demsky).

Here we have a known script and a known language, so why is there no credible 'decipherment'? My readings of Bronze-Age inscriptions (consonantal and syllabic) are often dismissed as 'fanciful' and 'bizarre', but I will make an attempt here, and also examine the work of Gershon Galil.

Getting into the mind of a writer of a text is always difficult; even more so when the handwriting is peculiar and illegible at some points. And this is not monumental script, but a personal style which does not aim for consistency (all the examples of  'alep have a different shape and stance).

My table of signs (not including the characters in the Qeiyafa text), which differs at vital points from the usual charts found in handbooks on the alphabet, is available here. My identification of the Qeiyafa letters will be based on that formulation of the evidence.

In the presence of such chaos, we always need a large text to work on, one which includes all of the letters, so that we can distinguish them from one another, and also a copy of the set of signs the scribe is using (the Izbet Sartah writer does provide that, but confusingly incompetently!). The Qeiyafa inscription does not fit either criterion. Nevertheless, its inventory  is almost complete, as I tentatively see it (22 characters would be expected at this stage, not the 27 employed in the Bronze Age).

My table of signs (not including the characters in the Qeiyafa text), which differs at vital points from the usual charts found in handbooks on the alphabet, is available here. My identification of the Qeiyafa letters will be based on that formulation of the evidence.

'(alep) (ox-head) 5 times (all different!)
(bayt house) 4x 
G (gaml boomerang)1x at the start of line 3
D (dalt door) 4x
H (E) (small one at the end of line 1? large one in line 3?) 
W (waw hook) 2x or 3x
Z (ziqq manacle) (1x at the end of line 1?) (No!)
Hh (H.et) possibly in line 4
Tt (T.et, cross in circle) 2x in line 2
Y (yad hand and forearm) 2x or 3x (each different)
K (kap hand) 1x (end of line 4)
L (Lamed) 5x (all different)
M (water) at least 4x (but similar to Sh)
N (snake) 1x in line 4; 1x in line 1
S (Samek) a fish or a spine [ -|-|-| ];  fish (S) 1 x in line 4?
 `(ayin) 4x
P (mouth) 2x (line 2)
Ss (Sade) 1x (line 5)
Q 2x in line 5; 2x in line 4? 1x in line 1?
R (human head) possibly the Q in line 4
Sh (Shin, only two waves) 3x
T (cross) 2x (1, 5); 1x (3)?


















[-1?] (One or more lines here originally?)

[1] ' L T ` Sh  [Q] W? ` B D ' [L?] :  Z/T? H/Y?

[2] Sh P Tt . B W ' L M  [? ] [Sh] P Tt

[3] G L [Y/W?] [ T?] B ` L  S?  R? H/S? [ ]  Y?

[4] ' [ Q] M W N  Q? M Y B/Kh? D M L K .

[5] ' Q w/y M ` B D m? sh/m? Y : Ss? D Q T .

Notice that the direction of writing is from left to right (dextrograde), which is the opposite of the order for Biblical Hebrew, and also for ancient Phoenician, Hebrew, and Moabite inscriptions (right to left, sinistrograde); but there is general agreement that this is the way this text runs. The pattern for this is set in the Izbet Sartah ostracon: it also has 5 lines of text; the fifth has the letters of the script (from 'Aleph to T) running from left to right, and the other 4 lines are obviously dextrograde also (lines1 to 3 leave a space at the end; 4 runs over into the end-space of 5).

However, Christopher Rollston has said on rollstonepigraphy.com:
"Prior to the rise of the Phoenician script, Northwest Semitic inscriptions could be written sinistrograde (right to left), dextrograde (left to right), or boustrophedon (one line left to right, and the next line right to left).  Of course, sometimes NWS inscriptions could even be written vertically.  Many people seem to be reading the Qeiyafa ostracon as dextrograde in its entirety.  At this juncture, I would note that I am not convinced this is correct, or at least not consistently the case."

In this respect, the first thing that the scrutinizers noted in the inscription is the Hebrew word ShPTt (Shin Pe Tet, root meaning 'judge') at the beginning of line 2; and then MLK ('king') at the end of line 4; and `BD ('servant') in line 1 (and also 5). This is an interesting collection of words (though Rollston points out that none are exclusively Hebrew), since the ostracon is said to date from the period (10th century BCE) when Israel was changing from rule by 'judges' to monarchy. All these possible terms disappear if the lines are not running from left to right.

We can see these three sequences of letters clearly enough, but, as there is apparently no definite separation of words (unless the single dots function in this way), they could be false constructions. The judge seems safe at the start of a line, but the servant could lose his position and disappear into the mystical cloud of unknowing if the sequence in the middle of line 1 was actually `ShN W `B, signifying 'smoke and cloud'. The king could likewise come to a bloody end if we divided line 4 thus: '... my vengeance (NQMY) in blood (B-DM) for you (LK)'.

There is a pantheon leaping out at us in the same way: the storm-god Baal (B`L) in line 3, the mysterious Molek (MLK) in 4, the mother goddess Elat ('LT) in 1, the chief god El ('L) or all the gods ('LM) in line 2. Again, they may be figments created ingeniously by imagination, but vanishing when the true reading of the text is established; but we can see from this cursory examination that what the author actually meant may never emerge from our speculations.

Try the first line, beginning with 'LT as Elat, the goddess, the consort of the chief deity El (she was known by name as Lady Athirat in Canaan, or Asherah in the Bible). This comes as a shock, in a document from ancient Israel, but it is what the prophets were constantly complaining about; and more than one instance of the expression "YHWH and his Asherah" has come to light in archaeological research. Now, the following two signs could be taken as logograms (a common  practice in ancient writing systems, and I have resorted to it in my reading of the Izbet Sartah inscription): `ayin as 'eye' and the Sh as Shemesh, producing 'the eye of the sun'. In the Bronze Age the proto-alphabetic sign for Sh was the sun (the disc with a protecting serpent), and the Babylonian sun-god Shamash (the sun being the all-seeing eye, with the stars as the spies by night) was the minister for justice in the celestial government. But in the Iron Age such logographic use of the signs eventually ceased. Notice in passing that Canaanite Athirat became Hebrew Asherah, because the sounds th and sh were not distinguished in the Hebrew script, but it was the sun-sign that dropped out, leaving the breast-sign (thad/shad 'breast') as Shin (and Sin); so it is difficult to make the Sh stand for the sun. Note also that the Canaanite feminine ending -at became -ah in Hebrew, and the last letter on this inscription is -t, and I will interpret it as the ending of a feminine singular noun, showing that the -at was still retained at this stage in the development of Hebrew. Note that the Valley of Elah was where the confrontation took place between David and Goliath (1 Samuel 17:2); Elah would presumably refer to a kind of tree; and 'âlâh is a word for 'cursing', which would be another possibility for  'LT here.

From the outset there was agreement that a likely reading of 'L T `Sh was as a prohibition, with Hebrew 'al (not) and the verb `asah (make or do), hence "Don't do". But what is not to be done? Can we get 'service' or 'worship' out of the `BD? Possibly. But there is a suspicion that a Q is lurking there, producing the root `ShQ, denoting 'oppress'. Thus we would have 'L T`ShQ `BD: "Do not oppress a servant" (but there is a W before the `BD). The groups of dots that appear on the drawing perhaps indicate pauses in poetry; or they may be the residue of letters. Whatever the case may be, noting that at least four of the letters have lost their upper portion(where the ostracon has been broken off after the signs were written), I suggest that the two  dots at the top, following the `Alep ox-head,  are the remains of another L, producing the word 'L, 'God'.

Accordingly, disregarding the apparent punctuation dots, and assuming that the stroke preceding the `ayin  is Q, with its head lopped off, we could read this sentence:
[1]  'L  T`ShQ  `BD  '[L]
"Do not ('L) oppress (T`ShQ) the servant (`BD) of Go[d] (`[L])."
We might compare Psalm 119:122: 'Be surety for the good of thy servant; let not the insolent oppress me'.
 However, if the upright stroke is W, and the Q has been washed away (but there are some traces of Q), then we have:
[1] 'L T`Sh[Q] : W `BD 'L
"Do not oppre[ss], but (W) serve Go[d]."

My next step in the decipherment process is to focus on the final sequence of four letters in line 5: T (a cross), preceded by Q (a circle on a stem), D (having precisely that shape, though the lower arc has faded), and Ss (Tsadey, S.), hence SsDQT. My proposed origin for the letter Tsadey is a tied bag, with the string showing at the top [ o( ], to go with the word s.irar ('tied bag'). On the abagadary (abecedary) in line 5 of the Izbet Sartah ostracon, the Ss has a stem with an obtuse angle on top (the bag has been deflated, and flattened); and at the beginning of line 3 the example has a right angle. This may well be what we are looking at here; the drawing by Misgav does not have the angle at the top, the enhanced photographs seem to show it as possible. Line 3 on the other ostracon is also useful for distinguishing Q and R; there are two passive participles qualifying the Hebrew word for 'clay' (t.t.): 'dried' (s.mq), 'polished' (mrq), referring to the writing surface of the potsherd. The two instances of M are not quite clear but they are both vertical forms, as in the Qeiyafa text. The two examples of Q are not clearly distinguishable from the R, in line 3, and also on the abagadary on line 5. In the beginning, R (Resh) was clearly a human head with its neck shown (see the table), but the Izbet Sartah scribe has put the head as [o] or [0] on a neck consisting of a single stroke. Q was a string (qaw) wound on a stick [-o- or -o( ], but stylization removed the projections at the top, causing confusion with the W [-o ] representing a hook (waw), which had to open out at the top [-( ],  now looking like the developed form of Ss (Tsadey).

Accepting the sequence at the end of line 5 as SsDQT, we have a noun meaning 'justice', which goes nicely with the 'judge' (ShPTt) of line 2. Returning to that section of the text, I suggest this reading:

[1b - 2] Z H || Sh P Tt . B W ' L M [Sh] P Tt
"He is the Judge; he has come for judgement."
If the two letters Z and H really are there, is  ZH 'this' (or zu hu, 'this is he')? Or do they belong to the end of line 2?
Sh-P-Tt could be a noun or a verb ('he has judged'). The noun (or participle) is applied to YHWH; example (referring to El and Elohim: shophet. s.addiyq 'a just judge' (Psalm 7:12).
BW' ('came'), same root bw'  as in later Hebrew, but the W would presumably be pronounced (bawa'a?); or it could be imperative mood, "Come!".
"O Judge, come for judgement."
LMShPTt would be the preposition l ('to/for') with the noun mishpat. (Ugaritic m-th-p-t.) 'judgement'; a difficulty is that the space is rather wide for one letter (Sh), but the writer may have wished to 'justify' the line of script; and the \/\/ (not in the vertical stance  of the Sh at the beginning of the line) is discernible on the enhanced photographs, and acknowledged by `Ada Yardeni and Gershon Galil.

[3] G L [  ] B ` L D/S H?  Y?
GL with a space allowing room for YT, or merely T: is this another Goliath inscription? (Gershon Galil finds a little YT up in the top right hand corner; we could connect it with the GL here; remember that young David separated the giant's head from his body; 1 Samuel 17:51.) However, T is a distinct possibility here; and whereas Hebrew and Greek text have Goliat, a Greek form Golot is found, and Arabic Jalut.
Or could this be a defective form of G'L 'redeem' and 'avenge'? If so, it goes with the NQM of line 4.
Or gl 'rolled' (root gll), or gl 'cairn'.
If it is Hebrew giyl  ('rejoicing' or 'triumphing'), I could invoke the vague H as a logogram (standing for hll) as 'jubilating' or 'celebrating' (the original pictogram depicted a person in a Halleluyah kind of pose); this parallelism would make it poetry, and perhaps we are looking at an uncanonical psalm. But the combination `LS corresponds to a rare root meaning 'rejoice' or 'enjoy', and a triple dose of merriment is being enjoyed: "exult, rejoice, celebrate".
Or G (gu 'voice') could start a sentence : "The voice of the heart (LB) has gone up (`L)".
GL as a verb might come from the root GLH/GLY,  'reveal', and the text becomes a revelation.
B`L would be the subject of this verb. This could be Baal (Hadad) the weather god, functioning together with the chief God El; or it is simply a title (like El 'God') applied to Yahweh, 'Lord'. This is not attested in the Hebrew Scriptures, but Hosea 2:18 possibly implies such usage (calling YHWH 'Baal').
S: if it is a fish, it could act as a rebus for SMK 'support' (rare as a noun, but could be a verbal noun, 'supporting'), and the H would be the suffix 'his' (though there seems to be a dot between the two characters).
[ ] Y [ ]: The context as reconstructed here, a hymn or an oracle, suggests LY 'to/for me'.

Accordingly, one interpretation of the line could be:
[3] "The Lord (B`L) has revealed (GL) his support (S[mk]H) to me ([L]Y)"
Another possible way to go is:
[3] "Exult (GL), with (B) rejoicing (`LS), celebrate (H[ll]) for me ([L]Y)"

Moving on now to the next  line:
[4] ` [Q] M W N Q M Y Hh/B D M L K

I have already stated the possibility that the king apparent at the end of the line (MLK) should be deposed, and the last two characters might then be LK 'to thee', and DM 'blood'.
'[Q]M. The idea of placing Q in the gap came to me from line 5: it is apparently the root qwm 'arise' in each case, and the initial 'alep points to 1st person singular imperfect: 'I will arise'. The speaker would be God.
NQMY. The Q does not have a perfectly rounded top, like the two instances in line 5, and R is a possibility; the M is perhaps short of waves, and might be Sh, producing NRSh.
B. This would not be S (fish), and B seems possible, even though the other 4 cases are more triangular than rectangular; but eventually I will argue that it is Hh (Het).

[4] "I will [ar]ise ( 'QM), and (W) my vengeance (NQMY) for you (LK) will be with (B) blood (DM)"

[5] ' Q w/y M ` B D Y m sh Ss D Q T

That is one solution I offer to the puzzle of a line that apparently includes some subscript and superscript characters.
'QY/WM. The first letter could be R rather than 'alep, but not S (fish), and the proposal to read SRN (title of Philistine ruler) is hard to accept; the horizontal W or Y needs to be incorporated into the word, as a consonant; it could be a causative verb form (Pi`el or Hip`il):"I will raise up" or "establish" or "confirm".
`BDY. Only the Y is complete, but the `BD can be reconstructed on the basis of its occurrence in line 1; here it is "my servant".
MSh. This appears over the presumed D. "My servant Moses (Moshe)". Is this the one and only Moses, the archetypal prophet (2 Kings 28:8, Numbers 12:6-8)? A minimalist view would read MM or ShSh, to save embarrassment; if it is MM then we have the 'waters' of the prophet Amos (5:24) like which 'justice' (mishpat. and s.edaqah) should roll down (gll).
SsDQT. This was mentioned earlier in the discussion, and also in the preceding sentence; variously translated as 'righteousness' or 'justice'. There is no preposition with it (perhaps the verb governs two objects).

[5] "I will confirm ('QYM) my servant (`BDY) [MSh] in justice (SsDQT)"

The hypothesis I propose is that this is an oracle document, and, as with the utterances of the prophets of ancient Israel, the deity is quoted amid the declarations of the seer, as a 'servant' of YHWH.

The first three lines, then, are a statement of the prophet: first quoting an injunction from God concerning the 'servant' himself (line 1); then a warning that God is coming in judgement (line 2); and God has expressed his support for his agent (line 3). In the remaining two lines, God affirms his vindication of his 'servant', possibly named Mosheh, or possibly not named at all.

Note that the words being proposed here (roots `ShQ, ShPTt, SsDQ, NQM, SMK) occur together in Isaiah 59:11-17 and 63:1-7, where God comes in bloody judgement (Gath is also mentioned but only as 'the winepress' which he treads in his wrath).

A note about the script and the language. There are no matres lectionis (W and Y indicating vowels)  to assist us.  No definite article (ha-). The conjunction wa 'and' is present, apparently.

There are some other possibilities based on logography, on the one hand, and the various identifications of signs made by Haggai Misgav, which I have not explored thoroughly; but it should be noted that I am coming to this task from my knowledge of the pictophonographic logo-consonantary (the proto-alphabet) in the Bronze Age, whereas others are working back from the Phoenician and Hebrew consonantal script of the Iron Age.

GERSHON GALIL : TWO ATTEMPTS

Gershon Galil has issued a 'decipherment', the same as mine (on the theme of justice in society) but entirely different (in the interpretation of the text).

Gershon Galil's drawing of the Qeiyafa ostracon
Courtesy of the University of Haifa 
This is how I would transcribe what is depicted on the drawing, and accepting his identifications of the letters.
[.....................................................................]
[1] ' L T ` Sh W ` B D ' [T]
[2] Sh P Tt [`] B [D] W ' L M [N] [Sh] [P] Tt (Y T [M])
[3] [W] G R [R] B ` L L? [R] [B] [D] [L] [W]
[4] ' [L] M [N] Sh? Q M Y B D M L K
[5] ' [B] Y N ` B D Sh? K? G? R T [M] [K]
Transliteration (with added vowel-indicating consonants Y, W, H; and separation of suggested words)

"אל תעשו (כזאת) ועבדו את|2?| ה
"שפטו עבד ואלמנה שפטו יתום|3| וגר"
"ריבו עולל ריבו דל ו|4|אלמנה שקמו ביד מלך"
"אביון ועבד - שכו, גר - תמכו"||



[.......................................]
1′ ‘l t‘ś w‘bd ‘[t .......]
2′ špt. [‘]b[d] w’lm[n] špt. yt[m]
3′ [w]gr [r]b ‘ll rb [d]l w
4′ ‘[l]mn šqm ybd mlk
5′ ‘[b]yn [w]‘bd šk gr t[mk]

English translation of the deciphered text:
[.........................................................................]
1' you shall not do [it], but worship the [Lord].
2' Judge the sla[ve] and the wid[ow] / Judge the orph[an]
3' [and] the stranger. [Pl]ead for the infant / plead for the po[or and]
4' the widow. Rehabilitate [the poor] at the hands of the king.
5' Protect the po[or and] the slave / [supp]ort the stranger.

If I had produced the same solution as Galil, these are problems I would be raising to myself:

 
Is there a line or more missing at the top? (Apparently Galil thinks so, hence the [.........].)

Is this poetry? There are hints of parallelism, lines having two halves; and the verbs in line 5 being preceded by their objects would be poetic style. In the press-release here, GG uses / in his transliteration, indicating verse, presumably.

However, my reading of it has five lines of prose, each line a separate sentence, not running over into the following line (well, perhaps once; see ORPHAN below).

Gershon Galil has found a context (justice in the gate of the city) and a theme to go with it: giving justice to the widow, orphan, infant, sojourner (stranger, resident alien), poor, needy, and slave.

However, his significant nouns are somewhat suspect. Actually, none of them appear in my interpretation of the text.

*WIDOW: 'LMN (twice: 2 'LM [N], 4 '[L]M[N?]) It should not be 'widow' but 'widower' or 'widowhood'; the feminine -t should be present (Ugr 'lmnt, Phn 'lmt /Akkadian almattu), but in Hebrew the -t might have dropped off by the 10th C BCE. Around 700 BCE the Siloam tunnel inscription has HNQBH, 'the boring'. I can not get any help from the Izbet Sartah ostracon or the Gezer calendar on this point.

When did the -t fall away, and the -h replace it? It continued in Phoenician through the Iron Age, and in Arabic for ages.

*INFANT: `LL, though I have taken the second L to be a fish (the first has an opening, the second is closed); the sequence B`L is not accepted as Ba`al or 'the Lord'.

*ORPHAN: YT[M]. This reading is achieved by using two small vague characters at the end of line 1 as a continuation of line 2, and assuming the M was broken off. I have very  tentatively suggested ZH 'this' (following Misgav's drawing) and connect it to the beginning of line 2, not the end.

*POOR : DL, found in an illegible section of 3.

*NEEDY : ' [B]Y?N?, at the murky beginning of 5. My 'QYM ('I will establish') is also speculative, but it has a better basis in the enhanced pictures.

*STRANGER: GR (twice, 3, 5). Misgav has the supposed G  in line 5 as D (the boomerang G becomes D a door in the finely detailed blue picture available for this corner of the text). My interpretation has trouble finding a case of R, and this is a problem. My reading here is GL. The difficulty is that the first GR is the opposite of the second (which is not certain). The Rosh has always been known to be a human head, and it is never upside down. Galil has it in four different stances, including two inverted forms;  but the same is true of 'Aleph (head of an ox), and B (a house), at the hand of this scribe.

*SLAVE: `BD (2, 5) a third occurrence of the sequence `BD (1) is taken to be a verb 'serve, worship'; the one in line 2 is created by filling the spaces on each side of B; the one in 5 is plausible, but I read `BDY ('my servant'); and Galil omits the MSh (Moshe?!) or MM that appears above D on Misgav's drawing

*KING : MLK (end of line 4). The reading MLK is fairly certain, and only I have deviated from allowing it to be 'king'.  Galil's insight is seductive for BD MLK, 'at the hands of the king', with the ruler (who sits in the gate dispensing justice) as BD is known from Ugaritic as b-yad "in the hand(s)". However, preceding B and following his "ShQM" there is a clear Y that is passed over by Galil (unless he has emended YBD to read BYD).

The definite article h- is not in evidence (hammelek in Classical Hebrew), and we would expect it on all these nouns; so it has not been invented yet.

One of my proposals for line 4 is: '[Q]M W NQMY BDM LK : "I will arise, and my vengeance (will be) with blood for thee".
Any syntactical objections to this? In the Bronze Age the 1 p  possessive pronoun suffix would only be shown in oblique cases (-aya for accusative case). On the bilingual sphinx from Sinai we may read: Z NQY L B`LT "This is my offering to Ba`alat". Is the noun in the accusative case, after the verb "is" (understood)?


Where in the text is YHWH "[the Lord]", who appears in the translation of line 1? That stray Y in line 4 might be an abbreviation of the divine name, but this would emerge as: "Rehabilitate Y[hwh] at the hands of the king" (maybe that could be said); Galil does not have an object for the verb, so he reintroduces "[the poor]" from the previous line).

Galil states that this inscription is the earliest known Hebrew writing. However,
in my opinion, the oldest-known Hebrew text is the Izbet Sartah ostracon, apparently written by an Israelite named`WP BN H.G (Ben Hagai).

If the writer of this Qeiyafa/Sha`arayim document could see the Colless and Galil interpretations of his text, he might well say that he agrees with the sentiments expressed in their readings, but that is not what he wrote and meant.


On a sobering note, the directors of the expedition (Yosef Garfinkel and Saar Ganor) have placed on the website an open letter of disapproval to Gershon Galil. I sincerely hope that I have not offended; I did make e-mail contact with Yosef Garfinkel, inquiring about access to more photographs (which have now appeared on the website, but are only referenced here, not reproduced); and I informed him of my own attempt at reading the inscription, on this Cryptcracker site; I have mentioned all the scholars known to me as having made contributions to interpreting the text. 

Gershon Galil has now issued a new reading especially for the ANE2 internet group, through Victor Hurowitz (and if possible, I would like Gershon to read my response, in which I express empathetic understanding but reluctance to accept his whole package).

So, instead of working further on my essay "The Canaanites in America", based on a new inscription, I have obediently followed his instructions:

http://www.palarch.nl/2009/12/gregory-bearman-william-a-christens-barry-2009-spectral-imaging-of-ostraca-%E2%80%93-palarch%E2%80%99s
"Just open the link and download the PDF file. The colored picture presented by Bearman in p. 12 is excellent!!! Please enlarge it to 200% or 400% and you will see clearly all the letters and the ink traces of my following new reading...."

I spent another abundant surplus of  hours looking once again at all the pictures, including the blue ones on p. 17-18  (I admit I had never examined any of them enlarged before now, but I have always used a magnifying glass); it was a profitable exercise, as I gained a bit of confidence in some of my own readings, and thought of a plethora of new possibilities, and retained sympathy for some of his (but certainty may never be achieved by any of us).

I want to say that Gershon Galil's reading of the text is coherent and attractive, indeed it is highly seductive  (and some might say solidly Bible-based, as I try to make mine, too); but I have already raised some problems, and I will give them further consideration  here.

This is his earlier attempt:

[.......................................]
1′ ‘l t‘ś w‘bd ‘[t .......]
2′ špt. [‘]b[d] w’lm[n] špt. yt[m]
3′ [w]gr [r]b ‘ll rb [d]l w
4′ ‘[l]mn šqm ybd mlk
5′ ‘[b]yn [w]‘bd šk gr t[mk]

English translation:

[............................................................]
1′ you shall not do [it], but worship the [Lord].
2′ Judge the sla[ve] and the wid[ow] / Judge the orph[an]
3′ [and] the stranger. [Pl]ead for the infant / plead for the po[or and]
4′ the widow. Rehabilitate [the poor] at the hands of the king.
5′ Protect the po[or and] the slave / [supp]ort the stranger.

This is the revised version.
 
[.......................................]
1′ 'l t‘ś w‘bd '[t .......]
2′ špt. [‘]b[d] w’lm[n] špt. yt[m]
3′ [w]gr [r]b ‘ll rb [d]l w
4′ '[l]mn nqm ybd mlk
5′ '[b]yn [w]‘bd šk gr t[mk]
[................................................]
1' do not do (it), but worship [the Lord/ or him/ or me].
 2' Judge the [s]la[ve] and the wid[ow] / Judge the orph[an]
3' [and] the stranger. [Pl]ead for the infant / plead for the poor and
4' the wid[ow]. Avenge (the pauper's vengeance) at the king's hands.
5' Protect the p[o]or [and] the slave / su[pport] the stranger.

I will point out the changes and make responses along the way:

-1] ............................
We might have expected a preceding "Thus saith ..." introducing the persons involved in the text.

Line 1] 'L  T`Sh  W`BD  '[T....]
GG: "Do not do (it), but worship [the Lord/ or him/ or me]."

The imperative mood has been softened;
 '(it)' is presumably referring to an action mentioned in a previous line, now lost.
Some of us have thought that ` S(h)  might have been ` Sh Q 'oppress', which fits nicely in the context, and looking at the 'big picture' I can now see a Q in the gap. (Is this an occasion for shouting Eureka or Halleluyah, or should I remind myself to get checked for cataracts or spots on the retina?)

More options for the object of the verb ('oto, otiy).
It occurs to me that 'otiy ('me') could have been created by adding the small (alleged) TY at the end of the line, and this could also be ' T  Y (short for Yh or Yhwh). But  he has used that for YT[M] 'orphan' (in the next line). I had thought (following Misgav's drawing) that they were Z and H, and was pleased that these two letters were included in the text. However, TY/YT seems a better reading.

*BC: "Do not oppress, but serve G[od] ('[L])
Can I make that say: "Do not be an oppressor, but a servant of God"?

Line 2-1c-3a] ShPTt [`]B[D]  W'LM[N]  ShPTt || YT[M] || [W]GR
"Judge the [s]la[ve] and the wid[ow] / Judge the orph[an]  [and] the stranger".
So, 'judge' means 'give justice to',  not 'bring to justice' (a reminder here that I see another 'justice' word [SsDQT] at the very end of the last line).
The re-occurrence of ShPTt at the end of the line is surely right.
Notice a case of ShPTt twice in one verse:
"Thou hast done my judgement ... judging with justice" (SsDQ) (Psalm 9:5)
There is space for [`] and [D] in the proposed [`]B[D] 'slave', and as it is present on line 1, and apparently also in line 5, it is plausible here. But I have been uniting them as referring to a particular "servant of God", possibly a prophet or ruler.
Accordingly: "The servant has judged, he has come (BW') for (L) judgement (MShPTt)".
But with Galil, we have a sequence  W'LM[N]ShPTt , possibly meaning "gods ('LM) have been judged (Nip`al)", as Yhwh does, of course: if I refer to Psalm 82:1-8 for this concept, it  has God ('LHYM) judging in the midst of the gods ('LHYM); and he orders them to judge 'weak' (DL) and 'fatherless' (YTWM), and 'poor' ('BYWN, all three without H, definte article), all words that Galil seks to find here.
Compare: "Arise, LORD, ... let the nations be judged by you'" (Psalm 9:20)

But the widow he includes here is problematic to my mind: 'LMN should be 'widower'; 'widow' would be 'LMNT; but if the feminine -t ending has fallen away by this time, and no compensating -h has replaced it yet, then 'widow' may be possible. A solution would be to find a T in the space between  M and Sh, and read 'lmt, as in Phoenician (cp. Akkadian almattu); but I cannot see this working at the start of line 4.

For YTM 'fatherless' there is no M to go with YT (assumed to have been broken off at the top of the shard).

The W for 'and' , at the start and end of line 3, are by no means obvious; still, they may not be necessary if this is poetry.

Regarding GR ('sojourner, stranger'), we have to accept an absolutely abnormal R:  an inverted head with neck, indeed, two of them, facing each other, the first a roundhead, and the second a cavalier (I am listening to Rosenkavalier Act 2.1 as I write this) according to Galil's drawing.  And there is another  one further down the line, each making RB (not 'great' or 'plenty', but 'plead for', 'get justice for' DL, 'the poor'). I would think the third one could be R.

4] ‘[l]mn nqm ybd mlk
the wid[ow]. Avenge (the pauper's vengeance) at the king's hands.

Galil has now changed Sh to N, giving not ShQM'rehabilitate' but NQM 'avenge', which is the likeliest choice, though not certain; but the previous N, for '[L]M[N?] is quite unlike this, and so the 'widow' must bow out. YBD MLK (read BYD?) is supposed to say 'at the king's hands'. Looking at all the photographs, the B seems to be Hhet (as suggested on Misgav's table of signs); its body is rectangular, while all the others are triangular; and the curved projection seems to go right round and join up, thus making the original picture of the sign: a Canaanite house with a courtyard (HhSsR), and not many people realize that.

Accordingly, my choices are '[Q]M 'I will arise'; 'and avenge' (W NQM, 'infinitive"?) or 'and we will avenge' (n(n)qm, but this suggests it might be from the same root qwm as `qm at the beginning of 4 and 5); YHhD MLK 'the community of the king'; yakhad 'unity' as 'community' is well represented in the Dead Sea Scrolls (Essene writings), and is there an echo of Deuteronomy 33:5, 'And there was a king (mlk) in Yeshurun (Israel), with the gathering together of the heads of the people, the community (yakhad) of the tribes of Israel'. Is the ruler (MLK) Yhwh or his earthly viceregent, there and on our ostracon?

Once again, with all its improbabilities, and in spite of my earlier suggestion ["my vengeance will be in (b) blood (dm) for thee (lk)']":


4] "I will arise and together we will avenge the king."

5]  '[b]yn [w]‘bd šk gr t[mk]
 Protect the p[o]or [and] the slave / su[pport] the stranger.
Briefly, 'ebyon is impossible; 'QM is possible; `BD is safe, but ShK is problematic (Sh is actually a good Y, though it is inverted in comparison with the Y above it in line 4); the K at the end of line 4 does not have a  tail; I strongly support my reading SsDQT ('justice' or 'righteousness') against  GR T[MK]; the additional letters are not really there, though a Y might fit (giving 'my justice').

5] "I will establish/avenge my servant (with) justice" (noun in objective case, as adverb,'justly').

You see what glorious untenable magic utterances can be derived from a text that is unpointed , "unmothered" (with no matres lectionis), undivided (no separation of words), and untidy,  with only the slightest sleight of hand?


But this is not my last word on the subject. I have a different trick to play with another card up my sleeve: Goliath's curse.


The next step in the investigation is recorded here:
http://cryptcracker.blogspot.co.nz/2010/03/two-goliath-ostraca-having-already-made.html

Updated and summarized here:
http://bonzoz.blogspot.co.nz/2012/02/goliath.html 

My latest work in progress is at these sites:
https://sites.google.com/view/collesseum/qeiyafa-ostracon-2
https://sites.google.com/view/collesseum/qeiyafa-shaaraim
 
http://www.asor.org/anetoday/2014/02/the-lost-link-the-alphabet-in-the-hands-of-the-early-israelites/

Sincerely and as seriously as I am ever able to be,

Brian Edric Colless
Massey University, Aotearoa/ New Zealand 



Reference
Khirbet Qeiyafa Vol. 1. Excavation Report 2007–2008
Yosef Garfinkel and Saar Ganor
XX + 304 pages, 21 x 31 cm, c. 350 illustrations, 94 pages with color photos
ISBN 978-965-221-077-7, $72 ($54 to members of the Israel Exploration Society)
Orders: Israel Exploration Society, E-mail: ies@vms.huji.ac.il

Chapter 14. The Ostracon (Haggai Misgav, Yosef Garfinkel and Saar Ganor)
14.1. Introduction 14.2. Terminology 14.3. Chronology
14.4. The Script 14.5. The Text
Chapter 14A. Further Observations on the Ostracon (Ada Yardeni)
Chapter 15. Imaging the Ostracon (Greg Bearman and William A. Christens-Barry)
15.1. Introduction 15.2. Imaging Techniques 15.3. The Results


Tuesday, March 09, 2010

INSCRIBED WEST SEMITIC STONE SEAL



This interesting seal was found in 2008/9, and Olaf Sprenger, has kindly provided photographs; the signs have been inked to allow recognition, and an impression has also been provided.
According to the dealer the artefact was found in southern Israel  among a lot of scarabs, mainly dated to the Hyksos period (17th-16th century BCE, in the Bronze Age).
   Another seal that has been brought to my notice is here:
http://cryptcracker.blogspot.com/2012/07/royal-scarabs-from-canaan-this-is.html
 
The inscription is strangely ambiguous: at first glance I took it to be the Cretan script known as Linear A. The first character on the left is an open `ankh (the Egyptian symbol for 'life'), which is ZA in Linear B, and presumably also in Linear A (from which Linear B was created). At the other end we appear to have KE; then YA (a door, though it could be MO); next, two examples of SA (cuttlefish); I pass on the subsequent sign or signs: KE YA SA SA ... ZA (or vice versa).

On the other hand, it could be West Semitic: not the proto-alphabet (the `ankh is not in its inventory) but the syllabary (in which the open `ankh stands for H.I/HhI/KhI).



 


Looking at my drawing of an imprint of the seal, all the characters can be identified as West Semitic syllabic (or logo-syllabic, as the pictophonograms could also represent whole words).
NU: the character (and it looks like a Chinese 'character'!) depicts a bee (nubtu).
DA: a door (daltu).
BU BU: two reeds (bunduru).
'A: this might be two separate syllabograms (RI, and DI?) but it seems to be the ox-head ('alpu) with horns, though lying on its side, as it often did in the Phoenician alphabet (or consonantary) in the Iron Age, until the Greeks turned it upside down as Alpha. 
HhI: the `ankh (representing the top vertebra of the backbone), going with h.iwwatu, 'life'.

NU DA BU BU 'A H.I or 
H.I 'A BU BU DA NU
What sense can be made of this?  Several possibilities can be thrown at it. DANU as the tribe of the Danites, or the place Dan, or the verb 'judged', or daltunu 'our door'; 'ABU 'father', or 'ghost';  'AHhI 'my brother'; root NDB 'volunteer'; personal name BUDANU, and this offers:
"Life! Father Budan."

But in the opposite direction, DABUBU might be dabb 'a bear'. Could that be a bear's head below the line of writing? How would the bee (NU) fit into the picture (bears and honey bees are thought to have connections). 
It may be a personal name.
Nudabbu'ah.i 
Nadab is a Biblical name; Nadubum is an Amorite name. 
Taking 'ah.i as 'alpu (rebogram for 1000) and H.iwatu (logogram 'life' ), then it might correspond to Hebrew lekhayyim:
"Nudabbu, a thousand lives"( reincarnation?!)
Better taking 'a as 1st p. sg. prefix and Hhi as logogram for verb 'live'
 "Nudabbu, I shall live"

Turning to Babylonian for enlightenment, there is abubu 'a flood'; a root dbb meaning 'speak', 'litigate', 'call to account', hence (with NU for passive voice):
"My brother is called to account."
If the line with a possible hook on the end is not the doorpost but an arm, then we have dayinu, 'judgement' or 'judge'?

Or we take DANU as dannu, 'strong, mighty', then:
"Life! The mighty flood."

The bear idea is attractive, and it is could be a personal name with a blessing
( "Nudabbu, I shall live"),

NDB is connected with generosity and making free-will offerings; bu' means 'come'; hence
"Life-bringing offering"?
This is a stamp-seal, and it could be used on documents relating to sacrifices at a temple.
If the 'alp-sign is a logogram, then it might mean:
"Sacrifice of a living ox",

I will just have to keep trying till I discover an interpretation that rings true.

I hope it is not referring to child-sacrifice, a subject discussed here:
https://cryptcracker.blogspot.com/2019/06/west-semitic-syllabic-cylinder.html



Saturday, January 16, 2010

ARABIAN SCRIPTS




This  table of signs attempts to show how the northern and southern Arabian scripts (consonantal alphabet) developed from the West Semitic (Canaanian) proto-alphabet (consonantary).
To see an enlarged version, click on the photograph of each section (and a printout can then be made, if desired).

On the right-hand side, the original characters are shown, with arrowheads pointing to Arabian letters which may be derived from them.
On the left-hand side, the columns exhibit a selection of North Arabian letters (D indicates early Dadanitic, Dedanite) and South Arabian signs (S is for Sabaean).
The middle section shows forms of the Phoenician (Phn), Aramaic (Dan stela), and Moabite, of the Iron Age, alongside Dadanitic letters; this demonstrates the improbability of the Arabian alphabet having been based on the Phoenician consonantal alphabet in the Iron Age.

The general table below shows the whole range of the development of alphabetic scripts in the Bronze and Iron Ages, from borrowed Egyptian hieroglyphs to Greek letters.
Click on the image to see a larger version of the table.
Source for the forms of the Arabian letters:
Michael C. A. Macdonald, Reflections on the linguistic map of pre-Islamic Arabia, Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 11 (2000) 28-79
 
On Wed, Nov 17, 2021, Andrew Harris asked me questions about the evolution of the West Semitic proto-alphabet and its transmission to Arabia, with particular reference to any letters representing the sound Daad [d.], and here is my response:
 
The Arabian consonantaries began in the Bronze Age (before 12000 BCE).
The HLH.M order of the letters is one indicator of this dating, as it is not attested in NW Semitic in the Iron Age.
https://cryptcracker.blogspot.com/2015/11/h-l-h-m-order-of-alphabet-letters.html
The long alphabet (Proto-consonantary) is clearly in evidence in Arabia:
Kh/H as hank  Gh/G as grapevine stand 
sun with serpent O_o (but = Th not Sh)  breast \/\/ (but = Sh not Th), so a reversal has occurred

Stephanie Dalley April 19, 2021 
The tablets of the First Sealand Dynasty (Dalley, CUSAS 9) seem to have a reference to the use of sticks, perhaps such as have come to light in the Yemen: midribs from date palm fronds which can be dated by C14. As they are organic, and so would not survive in Southern Iraq, they may help to explain why so few clay tablets have been found dating to that period. A collection in Leiden University library has been thoroughly published. I wonder if the ‘cigar-shaped’ clay tablets found at Ugarit, as well as similar ones shown in CUSAS 9, imitate the very unusual format for cuneiform texts and might be connected with the ‘Arabian’ order of alphabet letters known from Ugarit. The discovery of MBA remains of a walled city at Tayma may allow the possibility that early alphabetic writing comes from Arabia and reached the Levant from there. Is this too speculative?
(BEC: It might have been a transmission station for the alphabet, but into Arabia, from the Levant and Egypt.)

Aaron Koller "The Alphabet", ANE Today, VIII, 1 (2020)
Ancient Yemen (South Arabia) writing system had two types: monumental on stone, quotidian on wooden sticks. Advances made through the work of Peter Stein (https://uni-jena.academia.edu/PeterStein) and Christian Robin (https://cnrs.academia.edu/ChristianRobin) Radiocarbon dating puts some of the sticks in the 11th Century BCE

Andrew Harris: Taymanitic comes across as a west semitic dialect, which makes me wonder how many pockets of west semitic actually preserved the daad even if there is no evidence of it in West semitic writing (presumably an emphatic lateral sibilant?)
North Arabian is West Semitic, South Arabian is South Semitic; to separate the Arabian from the Levantian we say Northwest Semitic. I say West Semitic alphabetic scripts (including all the Arabian versions) because they are a family (and, of course, all alphabets are descended from the West Semitic proto-consonantary).

BEC: I can not find a [d.] in NW Semitic, and I have given reasons for its absence:
D.aad.
We know that this consonant is missing from the cuneiform alphabet of Ugarit (and elsewhere).
I have not found it anywhere in proto-alphabetic texts.
It certainly had no place in the restricted inventory of consonants of the proto-syllabary of Byblos and elsewhere.
I offered proof of its non-existence in West Semitic in 1990, in my reading of Sinai 356:
' n k s. r h. mhb`lt  "I am the excavation chamber beloved of Baalat".
The Arabic cognate word is d.arih.
(10.12.21) I have just spotted another one, in Sinai 375
https://cryptcracker.blogspot.com/2007/08/sinai-food-rations-sinai-inscriptions.html
tltt s.btm "three handfuls (grasps)"  (Hebrew likewise does not have T.et in this word)
Ugaritic s.bt. "grasp"; Arabic has d.bt., and these two examples remove D. from the picture in NW Semitic.

Another possible indication is that the Arabian scripts apparently had to invent a new sign for D. (a variation on D for dalt, door, a divided rectangle but no post) and H.et had one side wall removed to look like E (and even a trident!).
However, the fact that Shin and Sin are represented by the same letter (\/\/ from shad "breast") suggests that other consonants could be spoken, and necessarily recorded by a related letter (D. by S.).
Can we do better than that to explain the missing D. sound?
(Tyre and Sidon are supposed to show that some sounds were active but not recordable in the Phoenician consonantary; I have forgotten the details.)

My basic theory on early WS syllabic and consonantal scripts (2300 - 1000 BCE) is:
Proto-syllabary > Proto-consonantary > Neo-consonantary > Neo-syllabary .
The basic principle is acrophony, but it is only applied in the first two cases.
It is an adaptation of the REBUS principle;
REBUS syllabary --> REBUS syllabary --> REBUS consonantary
https://cryptcracker.blogspot.com/2021/12/lakish-inscriptions.html

Incidentally, I have just discovered another inscription in WS proto-syllabic letters, in Michigan:
The characters are not pictorial.

Now, your thesis (Andrew Harris):
[1] [WS Proto-sylabary]
Sometime before 2300 BCE the [REbus] syllabary developed, originally in pictorial form but very soon after a linear form developed.
Thus, we are to suppose that there was an earlier form of the WS proto-syllabary, where the borrowed hieroglyphs were much clearer?
Looking at the oldest forms of the syllabograms, we first ask whether they are Egyptian hieroglyphs borrowed for a a West Semitic writing system:
A good example is the circle with a dot at its centre; this was the Egyptian symbol for the sun (ˆra`)
The `ankh for H.I(watu) "life, and the nfr for T.A(bu) "good", are simplified at Gubla.
NB There is another possible explanation. James Hoch noted that Old Kingdom hieratic cursive forms were being used in the Gubla texts.
[2] [WS Proto-consonantary]
Before 1800 BCE the consonantal alphabet developed out of the syllabary, adopting both forms, pictorial and linear.
Thus far, only pictorial forms of the proto-alphabet have been discovered in the archaeological record, but the more linear alphabet existed from the beginning
.>
Evidence for an original stylized version of the characters is lacking.
What seems to have happened is that the new WS consonantograms were WS syllabograms that were given a new function (while retaining their roles as logograms and rebograms);
but instead of using the old forms from the proto-syllabary, the makers of the proto-consonantary introduced current versions of the hieroglyphs into the new system.
Thus SHI (from shimshu sun) became Sh, but it was not simply a circle representing the sun-disc, but the uraeus serpent was added to it (Wadi el-Hol), or the disc was omitted, leaving only the serpents (Sinai); this looks like a case of early linearisation, perhaps; at the same time the serpentine forms slid into the updated proto-syllabary.
In the case of the syllabogram SHA (from thad/shad "breast") becoming the consonantogram Th (note that there was no Egyptian double-breast glyph),  the \/\/ sign continued through both systems, though it became Sh in the neo-consonantary (short alphabet, with \/\/ covering Th, Sh, and Sin). This is an exceptional case, since new consonantograms had to be invented for consonants that did not appear in the proto-syllabary. Incidentally, Hieroglyph D27, a single breast, can be invoked as the counterpart for the syllabogram 'I ('irat "breast").

The Phonecian or 'international' linear variant took over, leaving the pictorial forms of the proto-alphabet to become obsolete.
In Arabia various regional versions of the long alphabet developed.